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Child of WILLIAM DE COTTEN and AGNES RIDWARE is:

Children of JOHN DE COTTEN and ISOBEL FALCONER are:

Child of RICHARD DE COTTEN and ELIZABETH VENABLES is:

Child of WILLIAM DE COTTEN and MARY DE FOLVILLE is:

Children of THOMAS COTTON and ELEANOR KNIGHTLEY are:

Children of THOMAS COTTON and JOAN PARIS are:

Child of THOMAS COTTON is:

Child of THOMAS COTTON and LUCY HARVEY is:

Children of THOMAS COTTON and ELIZABETH SHIRLEY are:

Children of THOMAS COTTON and DOROTHY TAMSWORTH are:

Notes for ROBERT BRUCE COTTON:

Notes for ROBERT BRUCE COTTON:

Librarian, record-keeper, one of the founders of modern government and rule by precedence an d common-law.

His 1000-book library significantly changes history.

[image] <http://www.trin.cam.ac.uk/chartwww/miscimages/cotton.gif>

DNB--Dictionary of National Biography

Son of Thomas Cotton of Huntingdonshire (original family name was probably de Cotun). Famil y had profited well by the dissolution of the monasteries and by marriage. They were neighbor s and `kinsmen' of the Huntingdonshire Montagus (that is, the Duke of Manchester), and distan t relatives of Robert the Bruce of Scotland (original family name was probably de Bruis, de Broix, de Brois, etc).

Entered Jesus College, Cambridge, in 1581 and received his BA in 1585. Had begun `antiquaria n studies' under William Camden at Westminster School before going to Cambridge. He began collecting notes on the history of Huntingdonshire county when he was seventeen and never stopped collecting information, specifically old government documents. His collection of records surpassed that of the government. He effectively established the first public law library, open government `public records', and what we might call today a scholarly `think-tank'. The DNB puts it thus: the library of Cotton House became the meeting-place of all the scholars of t he country.

C.J. Wright, of the British Library, puts it as follows:

"The Library of Sir Robert Cotton (1571-1631) is arguably the most important collection of manuscripts ever assembled in Britain by a private individual. Amongst its many treasures are t he Lindisfarne Gospels, two of the contemporary exemplifications of Magna Carta and the onl y surviving manuscript of `Beowulf'. Early on in his career, Cotton had advocated the foundation of a national library of which his collection would form a part... he was always generous in the loans he made other scholars.

...

... the Restoration and the revival of a political culture in which disputes were solved by p recedent rather than violence placed the Cottonian library again at the centre of the overlap ping circles of scholarship and politics." (SRCC)

In 1590 joined the Antiquarian Society (renewing contact with Camden) and presented a number r of papers based on old manuscripts. He also collected Roman monuments, coins, fossils, etc . At the end of the reign of Elizabeth, the Society was meeting at Cotton's house and his collection of manuscripts had gained fame within the Society. In 1600 the queen's advisors contacted him on a question of official protocol with respect to Spanish ambassadors. He assisted Camden in preparing Camden's Britannia. Francis Bacon and Ben Johnson often used his library.

When King James arrived from Scotland, he knighted Cotton in 1603 and called him `cousin' (after which Cotton always signed his name Robert Cotton Bruceus). He became a favorite of James, represented Huntingdon in Parliament, drew up a pedigree (family tree) of James, wrote a history of Henry III, and wrote tracts such as `An Answer to such motives as were offered by certain military men to Prince Henry to incite him to affect arms more than peace.' In 1608 h e investigated abuses within the Navy, and was invited to attend the Privy Council (this was important since this was really the ruling body of England, no doubt his role was that of a n `expert witness').

King James seems to have consulted with him on schemes for increasing government revenue, and he wrote a survey of the various mechanisms by which previous Kings had raised money. He strongly supported (if not invented) raising money by establishing a new feudal rank, the baronet (this was a new `feudal' rank below that of baron; essentially you could just buy it if yo u had the money. This was widely used (not that different from political fund-raising today)) .

Collaborated on Speed's History of England and Camden's History of Elizabeth, perhaps to the point where he should be credited (Francis Bacon considered him the author of History of Elizabeth; when Camden died he willed much of his material to Cotton). King James wanted him to write a history of the Church of England, but Cotton provided all the material to Archbishop Ussher. When Sir Walter Raleigh was imprisoned in the Tower, he borrowed manuscripts from Cotton. Francis Bacon wrote the Life of Henry VII in Cotton's library.

People were beginning to fear Cotton's library. The DNB puts it thus:

"A feeling was taking shape... that there was danger to the state in the absorption into private hands of so large a collection of official documents as Cotton was acquiring. In 1614.. . a friend, Arthur Agard, keeper of the public records, died, leaving his private collection of manuscripts to Cotton. Strong representations were made against allowing Cotton to exercise any influence in filling up the vacant post. The Record Office was injured, it was argue d in many quarters, by Cotton's `having such things as he hath cunningly scraped together.' I n the following year damning proof was given of the evil uses to which Cotton's palaeographic al knowledge could be put. ..." (DNB)

He was involved in dealing with the Spanish ambassador on behalf of Somerset, an enemy of Buckingham. He confessed everything and spent eight months imprisoned without a trial, after which he was pardoned. He was then employed searching Sir Edward Coke's library.

The DNB provides a feel for the interaction of his library and politics:

"... Cotton ... was studying the records of the past in order to arrive at definite conclusions respecting those powers of parliament which the king was already disputing.... In 1621 h e wrote a tract to show that kings must consult their council and parliament `of marriage, peace, and warre'. ...

Cotton appeared in the House of Commons for the third time as member for Old Sarum... and was returned (ed, as representative to Parliament in 1625). Here he first made open profession of his new political faith. ... Eliot's friends made a determined stand against the government, then practically in the hands of Buckingham. ... (ed, Cotton did not speak in the debate ) but ... handed to Eliot an elaborate series of notes on the working of the constitution. The paper was circulated in the house in manuscript...

In September 1626 he protested, in behalf of the London merchants, against the proposed debasement of the coinage, and his arguments, which he wrote out in A Discourse touching Alteration of Coyne chiefly led to the abandonment of the vicious scheme. ... he drew up an elaborate account of the law offices existing in Elizabeth's reign... the (Privy) council invited hi s opinion on the question of summoning a new parliament, and he strongly recommended that cou rse... In 1628 he published a review of the political situation ... The Dangers wherein the K ingdom now standeth, and the Remedye, where he drew attention to the ... sacred obligation o f the king to put his trust in parliaments. (ed, in 1628) the opposition leaders Eliot, Wentworth, Pym, Selden, and Sir E. Coke, met at Cotton's house to formulate their policy. In parliament Cotton was appointed chairman of the committee on disputed elections..." DNB

After this, Cotton was an enemy of the king, and was destroyed. Essentially, Cotton was frame d on charges of `treason', and the library seized by Charles I (on the instigation of Bucking ham). Cotton died of a broken heart, but everyone understood that the library had been seize d for political reasons. Upon the Restoration, Cotton's `national library' was restored, pretty much along the lines of Cotton's original vision.

A particularly good overview of Robert Cotton and the historical impact of his library is Sir Robert Cotton, 1586-1631: History and Politics in Early Modern England, by Keven Sharpe (Ox ford U. Press). The following is an extended extract that I hope well serves Sharpe's material:

"To understand how Cotton used his own library, we must investigate how he bound, stored, an d catalogued his books. ... Cotton viewed his library as a working collection and adopted a n arrangement that was utilitarian rather than bibliographically correct by modern standards. .. Things were bound together that were consulted together....

... the library was arranged under the famous busts of the emperors of Rome (ed. Cotton's lib rary was about 26 feet by 6 feet. Each bookcase had a Roman Emperor on top, and thus books we re cataloged by Emperor. Sharpe provides a diagram of the layout of the library.)

... in the absence of a catalogue ... Cotton's knowledge of the library's contents was all the more important. ... he knew the contents and the use of his own books very well. ... The full description required by the Privy Council when it ordered a catalogue (ed. from Cotton, which he provided), suggests how well, in the absence of such an index, Cotton knew his manuscripts and books.

... Cotton was assisted by his librarian, Richard James, who, despite D'Ewes's accusation that he sold his master's papers, seems to have served Cotton well. ... if we are to believe ... . gossip ... Cotton (also) enjoyed the help of one of his bastard sons.

Why was Cotton's library so important in the intellectual and political history of James I' s reign? Apart from the Royal Library, the collections of the Inns of Court and the College o f Arms, London libraries were predominantly ecclesiastical. ...

... the library ... seems frequently to have shifted... It was probably not until 1622... that the library was located ... at Westminster, next to the Houses of Parliament. ...

... Several grateful borrowers commented on the freedom with which Cotton allowed all to consult his material. ...

The importance of the collection was not due to its size. With less than a thousand volumes , it did not compete favourably in size with other private libraries of the period. But the Cottonian collection was essentially a library of manuscripts, possessing a monopoly of the most important material for early English history.

But Cotton's loan lists show that many with literary interests wider than the purely historic al borrowed...

For lawyers and judges, the library was a storehouse of the case law which it has been argue d (with considerable exaggeration) dominated their attitudes. Sir Henry Montagu .sought to borrow the civil law collections against Hanse privileges; Coke required abridgments of parliamentary records. ... Cotton's legal friends who were former members of the Society of Antiquaries continued to use ... their colleague's collection...

For those in government positions, the library acted as a state paper office and research institute, providing a better service than the unsatisfactory official collections and repositories in the Tower and Exchequer. Clement Edwards, a clerk of the Privy Council, went to Cotton for the Council books... Henry Montagu . , when Lord Treasurer in 1620, us ed Cotton's collection of notes on ways of increasing royal revenue; ...

The list of those borrowing... reads like a Who's Who of the Jacobean administration: it includes the King and Queen, Attorney Francis Bacon... leading court noblemen often sought deed s to prove claims of land, especially title to property...

... the loan lists yet illustrate clearly the pure quest for knowledge and the breadth of interest of some of those who were active in political life. Such evidence is a firm warning against limiting the outlook of early seventeenth-century men. ... the lawyer's of Cotton's acquaintance continued an interest in history ... William Camden was no mere herald, but a scholar in the widest sense; Bacon's writings were by no means the creation of one who was but the king's solicitor. ...

The strife of court factions seems much more subdued when seen through the world of exchange of books. Neither are there indications of rival cultures of `court' and `country' in the names of those borrowing from Cotton's library. ... Cotton's library, ... as far as the evidence suggests, stayed open to all as a public institution.

Perhaps the very existence of the library as a public collection accounted for its stormy his tory. Though a storehouse of official papers and arcana imperii, the library was open to all , and the failings of divine monarchs were laid bare to lowly mortals. ... Cotton's library seemed to substantiate criticism of royal policy. The arguments from precedent were won by the antiquaries and lawyers of the House of Commons.

... By 1622, Thomas Wilson, Keeper of the Records, was worried about official papers remaining in Cotton's hands. ...

.... In 1626 Buckingham advised Charles I to close the library...

In 1629 the library was closed by order of the king. ... Charles I thought it time to investigate Cotton's library... The Council ordered that the library be searched by Sir Henry Vane and, ironically, Sir Edward Coke, whose own collection had been scrutinized by Cotton some years earlier.

... (William) Boswell was instructed to supervise the drawing of a catalogue which was commenced with Cotton's assistance. ... the library was never returned to Cotton in his lifetime. . ..

... Cotton's friends... understood the partisan nature of the arrests and the closure of the library. Montagu . and Arundel defended Cotton against what Arundel openly called the `pretence' of the investigating committee.

... the Privy Seal, the Earl of Manchester . (a Montagu, ed.) ... and others , having examined Cotton's library, reported to Charles I the efforts Cotton had expended i n building the library and his readiness to serve the king. Manchester was Cotton's kinsman . ..

But it was too late: in May 1631 Cotton died ... King Charles sent Manchester to comfort Cotton on his deathbed. ..." Sharpe

Sharpe also provides an interesting look at the politics of the day, involving the Montagu's :

"The Earl of Manchester. wrote to Edward Montagu that t he examination of his kinsman Cotton `makes a great noise in the country'. ...

No lawyer, Cotton yet possessed a knowledge of the law sufficient for him to be consulted .. . on legal questions. ...

It is evident of Cotton's standing in the House of Commons that though he did not sit in th e Parliament of 1614, he was consulted on the most important issue. ...

Cotton's assistance was crucial... On 20 May, Sir Edward Montagu .and Henr y Cotton went with William Hakewill and Sir Roger Owen to research in Cotton's library. ...

(In the Parliament of 1621) ... Both Sir Edward and Sir Henry Montagu . sought their kinsman Cotton's advice during the parliament, but the Montagu influence was not exercised, or was exercised unsuccessfully, on his behalf at the hustings.

...

It is excellent evidence of Cotton's importance that he was again consulted on many of the is sues for which that parliament has been remembered. ... " Sharpe

Sidney Montagu (neighbor of Cotton's Conington estate) is on record as promising to return so me books. I wonder if he ever did? Wright writes:

"... it seems that Conington Castle may have been a second major repository for the Cottonian collection. ... Camden refers to Cotton's `cabinet' at Huntingdon... He evidently kept stat e papers and documents at Conington, and may have had books there: Sidney Montagu .promised to return borrowed books to Conington..." Wright

Bishop Richard Montague , a library borrower, called Cotton's library a ` Magazine of History' (presumably using `magazine' in the sense of a storehouse).

Part of the DNB summary of his work is as follows:

"... His collection of coins and medals was one of the earliest. Very many languages were rep resented in his library. His rich collection of Saxon charters proved the foundation of the scholarly study of pre-Norman-English history... Original authorities for every period of English history were in his possesion. His reputation was European. ...

Cotton wrote nothing that adequately represented his learning... His English style is readable, although not distinctive, and his power of research was inexhaustible. Only two works, both very short, were printed in his lifetime, The Raigne of Henry III, 1627, and The Dangers wherein the Kingdom now standeth, 1628. ...

Many of his tracts were issued as parliamentary pamphlets at the beginning of the civil war s .... In 1657 James Howell collected fourteen of Cotton's tracts, under the title Cottoni Posthuma. ... Eight papers read by Cotton before the Antiquarian Society are printed in Hearne' s Curious Discourses (1771)."

Sir Edward Coke <http://www.commonlaw.com/Coke.html>is considered one of the important figures in the history of common law.

A letter from the Inner Temple Library (reproduced in Sharpe), containing Cotton's response t o the request for Parliament to use his library in 1614 while he was ill:

"I held it my bownden dutie to that House (to which I owe my service & life) to preferre to t heir satisfactions before my owne safetye. And for that purpose adventured to my house, that I might recomend unto yor hands (as the principall servant of that bodye) the use of all su ch collections of parliament as I had (out of my duty to ye publique) taken paines to gathe r those gatheringes that may properly bee of use this time are sorted together under the titl e of parliament bookes and had my memorye (now distracted by infirmitye) beene soe ready I co uld wishe I should have beene able to make that searche shorte which I must now humbly recome nd to the labour of such as the house shall leave the charge to. let me I pray you soe far be g of your love and the bounty of the house that Sir Edward Montagu <h_1644_edward.htm> (one a mongst them) and Mr Cotton of the Middle Temple my brother may see the deliv[er]y out of such bookes as the House shall require ffor I have been intrusted with most of the mayne passage s of state and to suffer those secretts to passe in vulgar may cause much blame to me and lit tle service to the House. Besides let me presume to begg that the labours of my life (wch I am most ready to offer to all publique service) may not be prostitute to private uses. And that only such thinges as concerne the pointe now in question may be extracted and the rest left unto that servant of the house which hopeth shortly to give his dutiful attendance at their further pleasures." Cotton

Other Resources:

<http://www.southern-style.com/cotton.htm><http://www.trin.cam.ac.uk/chartwww/antiquaries.ht ml>

Sources: <References.htm>[DNB][SRCC].[SRC].

Burke's dormant and Extinct Peerages: COTTON

Robert Cotton, esq. of Connington, one of the most learned men of his  time, was born 22nd January 1570, at the village of Denton, in the  vicinity of the family seat, and after receiving a n early education of the first description, was sent to Trinity College, Cambridge. He subseque ntly devoted himself to literature and the collecting of those celebrated manuscripts which ha ve since immortalized his name, under the designation of "The Cottonian Library." He began thi s great work in theyear 1588, when funding his residence at home not altogether adequate toth e object he had in view, he came up to London, associated himself with Camden, and became a me mber of the Society of Antiquaries. In 1603, Mr.Cotton received the honor of knighthood fro m KING JAMES I, being one of those so distinguished immediately before his majesty's coronation.During this reign, and in the many and various difficulties arising instate points, Sir Rob ert was looked upon, by common suffrage, one of the best instructed therein; hence, Henry, Ear l of Northampton, lord privy seal in 1608, became his familiar and perpetual friend, consulted him in what he publicly delivered, made him his confidant and friend and found are turn of wisdom and fidelity." He was, subsequently, often consulted upon public affairs, and was amongst those who to recruit the treasury, devised the order of hereditary knights, or Baronets, t o which dignity he was himself one of the first gentlemen raised, having been created a baronet on the 29th June, 1611. In the same reign Sir Robert was twice sent to parliament by the county of Huntingdon and fully sustained in the senate the high reputation he had attained in literature. He d. on the6th may, 1631, in his sixty-first year, at his house in Westminster, whence, with solemn pomp, his remains were conveyed to Connington, as appointed by his will, and interred on the south side of the church, under a fair monument, erected by the piety of his wife and won; which lady was Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of William Brocas, esq. of Thedingworth,in the county of Leicester.

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COTTON, SIR ROBERT BRUCE, Bart. (1571—1631), English antiquary, the founder of the Cottonian library, born at Denton in Huntingdonshire on the 22nd of January 1571, was a descendant, as he delighted to boast, of Robert Bruce. He was educated at Westminster school under William Camden the antiquary, and at Jesus College, Cambridge. His antiquarian. tastes were early displayed in the collection of ancient records, charters and other manuscripts, which had been dispersed from the monastic libraries in the reign of Henry VIII.; and throughout the whole of his life he was an energetic collector of antiquities from all parts of England and the continent. His house at Westminster had a garden going down to the river and occupied part of the site of the present House of Lords. It was the meeting-place in the last years of Elizabeth’s reign of the antiquarian society founded by Archbishop Parker. In. 1600 Cotton visited the north of England with Camden in search of Pictish and Roman monuments and inscriptions. His reputation as an expert in heraldry led to his being asked by Queen Elizabeth to discuss the question of precedence between the English ambassador and the envoy of Spain, then in treaty at Calais. He drew up an elaborate paper establishing the precedence of the English ambassador. On the accession of James I. he was knighted, and in 1608 he wrote a Memorial on Abuses in the Navy, that resulted in a navy commission, of which he was made a member. He also presented to the king an historical Inquiry into the Crown Revenues, in which he speaks freely about the expenses of the royal household, and asserts that’ tonnage and poundage are only to be levied in war time, and to “proceed out of good will, not of duty.” In this paper he supported the creation of the order of baronets, each of whom was to pay the crown £1000; and in 1611 he himself received the title.

Cotton helped John Speed in the compilation of his History of England (161f), and was regarded by contemporaries as the compiler of Camden’s History of Elizabeth. It seems more likely that it was executed by Camden, but that Cotton exercised a general supervision, especially with regard to the story of Mary queen of Scots. The presentation of his mother’s history was naturally important to James I., and Cotton himself took a keen interest in the matter. He had had the room in Fotheringay where Mary was executed transferred to his family seat at Connington. Meanwhile he was enlarging his collection of documents. In 1614 Arthur Agarde (q.v.) left his papers to him, and Camden’s manuscripts came to him in 1623. In 1615 Cotton, as the intimate of the earl of Somerset, whose innocence he always maintained, was placed in confinement on the charge of being implicated in. the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury; he confessed that he had acted as intermediary between Sarmiento, the Spanish ambassador, and Somerset, and had altered the dates of Somerset’s correspondence. He was released after about eight months’ imprisonment without formal trial, and obtained a pardon on payment of f 500. His friendship with Gondomar, Spanish ambassador in England from 1613 to 1621,

brought further suspicion,’ probably undeserved, upon Cotton, of unduly favouring ‘the Catholic party. From Charles I. and Buckingham Cotton received no favour; his attitude towards the court had begun to change, and he became’ the intimate frielid of. Sir John Eliot, Sir Simonds d’Ewes and John Selden. He’ had entered parliament in ‘1604 as member for Huntingdon; in. 1624 he sat for Old Sarum; ~n. 1625 for Thetford; and in 1628 for Castle Rising, Norfolk. In the debate on supply in 1025 Cotton provided Eliot with full notes defending the action of the opposition in parliament, and in 1628 the leaders of the party met at Cotton’s house to decide on. their policy. In. 1626 he gave advice before the council against debasing the standard of the coinage; and in January 1628 he was again before the council, urging the summons of a~ parliament. His arguments on the latter occasion are contained in his tract entitled The Danger in which the Kingdom now standeth and the Remedy. In October of the next year he was arrested, together with the earls of Bedford, Somerset, and Clare, for having circulated, with ironical purpose, a tract known. as the Proposition to bridle Parliament, which had been addressed some fifteen years before by Sir Robert Dudley to James I., advising him to govern by force; the circulation of this by Parliamentarians was regarded as intended to insinuate that Charles’s government was arbitrary and unconstitutional. Cotton ‘denied knowledge of the matter, but the original was discovered in his house, and the copies had been put in circulation by a young man who lived after him and was said to be his natural son. Cotton was himself released the next month; but the proceedings in the star chamber continued, and, to his intense vexation, his library was sealed up by the king. He died on the 6th’ of ‘May 1631, and was buried in Connington church, Huntingdonshire, where there is a monument to his memory.

Many of Cotton’s pamphlets were widely read in manuscript during his lifetime, but only two of his works were printed, The Reign of Henry III. (1627) and The Danger in which the Kingdom now Standeth (1628). His son, Sir Thomas (f 594~-I662), added considerably to the Cottonian library; and Sir John, the fourth baronet, presented it to the nation in 1700. In I7~,3~ the collection, which had in the Interval been removed to the Strand, and thence to Ashburnham House, was seriously damaged by fire. In 1753 it was transferred to the British Museum.

See the article LIBRARIES, and Edwards’ Lives of the Founders of the British Museum, vol. i. Several of Cotton’s papers have been printed’ under the title Cottoni Posthuma; others were published by Thomas Hearne. ‘ ‘ ..  http://29.1911encyclopedia.org/C/CO/COTTON_JOHN.htm

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Cotton Royal Blood

"Royal Blood," A Fly in Amber, Hope Mirrlees, p. 15.

In the fourteenth century a cadet of the ancient Cheshire family of Cotton acquired through marriage the Staffordshire Manor of Hamstall Ridware. Then in the reign of Henry Vi, William , a younger son of the Staffordshire Cottons, married a Leicestershire lady called Mary de Folville. Their son, Thomas, was the first Cotton of Huntingdon, for he inherited the manor of Conington in that county from his mother's maternal grandfather, Robert de Wesenham. (Robert d e Wesenham left the property to his great-grandson Thomas Cotton in a will made in 1460) Rober t Cotton, the famous antiquary  and the hero of this book, was fourth in descent from Thomas an d became in due time, "lord of  Conington". But it was not there that, on January 22nd, 1571 , he first saw the light of day. His birthplace was a hamlet three miles away called Denton , and thereby hangs a tale. The Life of Cotton by his grandson's librarian, the Non-juror Dr . Thomas Smith, is not only written in Latin, which removes if several degrees from reality, but, as well, it is without one single spark of humour. It is not entirely lacking, however, i n touches of nature, and here is one of them:

'Not long after their marriage, Cotton's parents moved to Denton, for two reasons,--namely, that they might live in greater magnificence, and, by an increase in the number of their servant s, more in consonance with the dignity of their birth, and also to enable them to enjoy a greater independence, and that they might be free from the inconveniences which this large addition to their household would have caused had they remained under a paternal roof.'

Surely this is a hint, though a very discreet one, of domestic drama. The old castle was probably uncomfortable. It had been built soon after1242, and may well by the time of Cotton's bi rth already have beend ilapidated, for by 1586 it was an abandoned ruin, described by Camden a sthe 'expressed remains of an ancient castle within a four square trench'. Moreover, it was t he generation of Cotton's parents who first built habitable handsome houses. One of his contemporaries,  Archdeacon Hakewill, says that "the houses of private men were in the memory of ou r Fathers, for the most part very homely'. And when the famous Lord Keeper Williams, who we s hall meet more than once in the course of Cotton'slife, first went, as Bishop of Lincoln, t o reside in his Huntingdon Palace of  Buckden, 'he found an house', says his biographer, 'nothi ng to his content to entertain him.' Twas large enough, but rude, waste and untrimmed, and i n much the outward Dress, like the Grange of a farm.' And the Elizabethan parson, William Harr ison, describing England in 1577,contrasts with the ancient timber manor houses those recently erected'eighter of brick or hardstone, their rooms large and comely'.

So the young couple probably resented the lack of amenities in the oldc astle. But I suspect that it was also not grand enough for them. Without meaning to, Smith conveys an impression of pomposity. So also does a humble witness who flourished when they and all who knew the m had long been dust. In the middle of the last century, an old village woman who remembered the Denton manor house before it was dismantled in1816described it to the new Rector (and bein  the author of r. Verdant Green, he relished the description) as having been 'very auncius, f ind, and old-established, with a sight of rooms, the floors all done in firestone'. Although w e cannot be certain that this magnificent mansion was the one built by Cotton's parents, the o ld woman's description certainly implies that the latter was regarded as a very old house. No etymologist, it is true, with the exception of Humpty Dumpty, would venture to explain aunciou s, but it certainly looks like a variety of ancient, and old-established is clear enough, whil e bits of furniture she remembered sound like genuine antiques. There was a bedstead, 'its head carved with images and cut amazing fine in nicks'; there were also, and this is the pith o f her testimony, two oak chairs, each with a royal crown on it.

I am convinced that those chairs belonged to Cotton's parents. And the reason of my conviction is that his mother was a Shirley. One of her grand-nephews was to boast that their fmaily h ad the honour to be joined in a near degree of blood with the royal stem of England, both Saxo n andNorman, as likewise to those of France, Scotland, Denmark, Aragon, Leon, Castille, the Holy Roman  Empirie, and almost to all the princely houses ofChristendom'. Elizabeth Cotton, t o be sure, could not herself lay claim  to those illustrious descents, as the royal blood of the Shirleys came through the marriage of her eldest nephew to Francis Berkeley, who was half a Howard; and through the marriage of this couples eldest son to a Devereux. The maker of the boast, however, might with perfect decorum have had an aunt who sat in a chair adorned with a crown.

But the crowns had a raison d'etre. The Cottons' ancestress, Agnes, wife of Hugh de Wesenham , was born a Bruce. And it was in virtue of their descent from the brother of William, King o f the Scots that the Bruces inherited the crown of Scotland and the castle of Conington.

Now to carve crowns on one's chairs because of an ancestor with royal blood who lived three hundred years ago, while undeniably silly, indicates a certain amount of imagination and a certain amount of culture. In studying the history of an ancient family, one sometimes notices tha t after many obscure generations whose only deeds are title deeds and whose only achievement s are heraldic, it alters suddenly inc haracter and produces sons who, as well as inheriting a distinguished name, make one also for themselves. And you can generally trace this change t o an ancestress sprung from an intellectual family. Though to bes ure, it was not exactly by intellect that the Shirleys shone--at least,not the three famous brothers of the Sussex branch , Sir Thomas, Sir Anthony and Sir Robert. Sir Thomas Shirley distnguished himself principally by turning pirate; Sir Robert by marrying a Circassian--feats, it must be admitted, that suggest character more than intellect. But a touch of fantasy in all three of them and the dash of the poetry of action testify to a richer blood than that of most country squires. And i f the pirate's brilliant playwright son had not died young we might have had two famous dramatists called Shirley.

The Leicestershire branch of the family to which Cotton's mother belonged (she was a daughte r of the head of the family, Shirley of Staunton Harold), though perhaps equally romantic was less flamboyant, for it produced antiquaries instead of prates, and its poets were Methodists. Not only was Elizabeth Cotton's son a distinguished antiquary, but so also was her grandhephew, the one who so pompously blazoned the Shirleys 'royal blood. In the nineteenth century on e of the Shirleys  was a distinguished archaeologist, while, in the days of Wesley, Walter Shirley, grandson of the first Lord Ferrers, was a close ally of the 'enthusiastic' Lady Huntingdon and a noted hymnwriter. We may therefore conclude that Cotton inherited his talents from h is mother. And to his mother we may surely give entire credit for the device of the two crown son two oak chairs; which chairs , by the way, were bought in 1816 for a shilling by Adams , t he Denton parish clerk.

But-and here we step right into the den of discord--this fantastic lady was not an heiress, wh ile her mother-in-law was not only an heir is (in a heraldic Visitation of Huntingdon she is de scribed as "Lucia, filia etcohareres Thomae Harvye'), but, to judge by her husband's extensive purchases of land, a very substantial one. And though her family was ancient it was completely obscure. We know it was obscure, because its only record is its coat of arms; and from th e austerity of the latter (ora chevron between three leopards faces gules) we know that it was ancient. No, the Harveys of Elmstoke, Lincolnshire, were not likely to have produced either antiquaries or pirates--or to have had any patience with whimsies. One can almost hear the older lady's bat-like, Holbeinesque (a squeak beausee her voice comes from such a distant station' , batlike because she is a ghost) protesting with many an angry' bone deus!' and many a scornful 'Tilly valley!' at the airs and graces of the bride, and the army of idle hungry servants , and the notion that what is good enough for herself and her husband will not do for this beggar on horseback.

So the old manor house was probably as uncomfortable in atmosphere as it was in architecture an d the young couple must have been very glad to escape to Denton--and the old couple very glad to be rid of them.

But the change of residence did not, I suspect, produce any change of heart; and at the christening of our hero, one seems to catch a glimpse of yet another scene in this domestic drama . It was an almost universal custom

Children of THOMAS COTTON and MARGARET HOWARD are:

Notes for JOHN COTTON:

John Cotton "was a Virginia planter and very likely a merchant -but not one of the great land owners although associated with them. " Jay B Hubbell "John Cotton: The Poet-Historian of Bacon's Rebellion"

ca 1641 - John Cotton was born in Hungars Parish, Northampton Co, VA ?probably the son of the Rev. William Cotton and his wife Ann Graves. The Wheeler plantation was in Hampton parish , and there is a deed dated Feb 18, 1658/59, by which Francis Wheeler sells all his land between King's and Queen's Creeks to Thomas Beale, who sold it to John Cotton, December 31, 1666 , who later conveyed it to Col. Nathaniel Bacon. This Cotton as appears from a deed in 1666 had a wife Ann who was undoubtedly the famous "An Cotton of Queen's Creek," who wrote the history of Bacon's Rebellion. John Cotton was a witness to Mrs. Wheeler's will, and received under its provisions, "a gold seal ring." . . . . .William and Mary College Quarterly 5 (1) 123-4 ) 1660, 21 Oct - daughter Mary baptized in Hungar parish.1661, 8 Dec - son John baptized in Hungar parish.1661 Will Drummond used John Cotton as a head right on 20 Sept 1661 for some land in Westmoreland. Could this John Cotton/en have been a sailor in his youth or at leas t made several trips out of the colony? 1666 He appeared again as a head right on 26 Oct 166 6 when John Paine was patenting on the Rappahannock.1668 In a 1767 deed John Cotton noted that he had a proprietary grant dated 1 June 1668 of 640 acres north of the Roanoke river, land that was later in Northampton Co. Although the deed states the John Cotten of Bertie was the patentee it is obviously his father.1676 John and Ann Cotton were living at Queen's Creek . An Cotton of Queen Creek wrote a narrative on Bacon's Revolution that has come down to us . 1677 John Cotton was living in York County when he sued John Harris et al (York Deed and W ill Book #6, p. 26) Also see the deposition 1681 of an 1679 incident given below from the York County Records.

In the New England Historic and Genealogical Magazine Vol. XLIV, p. 199, there is an examination of Mrs. Cotton's narrative which is addressed to C.H. at Yardley, in Northamptonshire. Mention is made of a family of Harrisons at Gobions Manor, Northamptonshire, among whom the names Robert and Benjamin occur. Robert Harrison, mentioned in Mrs. Wheeler's will had by his wife Elizabeth Comins: Nicholas, Robert, James, Amadea (Amy) married James Ming of Charles City , Frances who married Thomas Shanes of same county. (Records of York county, 1692.)

I think that it is also implied that Ann was writing a close relative so I and others believe she may well have been a Harrison as also the families continued in close contact. There i s no formal proof just an educated guess. It is also suggested that she was the Ann Dunbar who appears in several of the headright lists beside John Cotton.1693 This John Cotten appears to have moved to Isle of Wight where he died by 1693 after marrying the widow of Thomas Abington. John Penny was "looking after the estate of John Cotten, dec'd.

.Bacon's Rebellion

Family questions

For further information on John Cotton's authorship of the Burwell Papers, see the chapter en titled "John Cotton, Poet Historian of Bacon's Rebellion" in Prof. Jay Hubbell's book "South by Southwest."

"Our Late Troubles," Colonial Tracts, Vol. 1, No. 9, Published by George P. Humphrey, Rochester, NY.

To Mr. C. H. (Christopher Harris?) , at Yardly in Northamptonshire:

Sir: I having seen yours directed to _______________, and considering that you cannot have your desires satisfied that way, for the forementioned reasons, I have by his permission adventured to send you this brief account of those affairs, so far as I have been informed.

The Susquehanians and Marylanders of friends being engaged enemies, as hath by former letter been hinted to you, and that the Indians being resolutely bent not to foresake the fort, it cam e to this point, that the Marylanders were obliged, finding themselves too weak to do the work themselves, to supplicate--too soon granted--aid of the Virginians, put under the conduct of one Colonel Washington, him whom you have sometimes seen at your house, who, being joined wit h the Marylanders, invests the Indians in their fort with a negligent siege, upon which the enemy made several sallies, with as many losses to the besiegers, and at last gave them the opportunity to desert the fort, after that the English had, contrary to the law of the fort, after that the English had, contrary to the law of arms, beat out the brains of six great men sent out to treat a peace; an action of ill-consequence, as it proved afterwards, for the Indian s having in the dark slipped through the Legure, and in their passage knocked ten of the besiegers on the head, whom they found fast asleep, leaving the rest to prosecute the siege (as Scoging's wife brooding the eggs that the fox had sucked), they resolved to employ their liberty i n avenging their commissioners' blood, which they speedily effected in the death of sixty innocent souls, and then sent in their remonstrance to the governor in justification of the fact , with this expostulation against them, his professed friends, in behalf of the Marylanders, their avowed enemies; declaring their sorrow to see the Virginians of friends to become such violent enemies as to pursue the chase into another's dominions; complains that their messengers , sent out for peace were not only knocked on the head, but the fact countenanced by the govern or for finding no other way to be satisfied, they had revenged themselves by killing ten for one of the English, such being the proportion between their men murdered and those by professing that that if they may have a valuable satisfaction for damage they had sustained by the English and that the Virginians would withdraw their aid from the Marylanders quarrel" that then they would renew the league with Sir W.B.,* otherwise they would prosecute the war to the last and the hardest fend of.

This was fair play from foul gamesters. But the process was not to be allowed as of being contrary to the honor of the English, the Indians proceed, and, having drawn the neighboring India ns into their aid in a short time, they committed an abundance of unguarded and unrevenged murders, by which means a great many of the outward plantations were deserted the doing whereof did not only terrify the whole colony supplanted what esteem the people formerly had for Sir W . B. whom they judged too remiss in applying means to stop the fury of the heathen, and to sett le their affections and expectations upon one Esquire Bacon, newly come to the country of the council, and nearly related to your late wife's father in law, whom they desired might be commissioned general for the Indian war, which Sir William, for some reasons best known to himself, denying, the gentleman, without any scruple acceptance of a commission from the people's affections, signed by the emergencies of affairs and the country's danger, and so to advance wit h a small party, composed of such that on his authority, against the Indians, on whom, it is said he did signal execution. In his absence he, and those with him were declared rebels to the state, May 29th, and forces raised to reduce him to his obedience, at the head of which the governor advanced some thirty or forty miles to find out, but not knowing which way he was gone, he dismissed his army, retiring himself and council to Jamestown, thereto be ready for the assembly, which was now upon the point of meeting, whither Bacon, some few days after his re turn home from his Indian march, repaired to render an account of his services, for which he and most of   those with him in the expedition, were imprisoned; from whence they were freed b y a judgement in court upon Bacon's trial, himself readmitted into the council, and promise d a commission the Monday following (this was on Saturday) against the Indians; with which deluded, he smothers his resentments and begs leave to visit his lady, now sick, as he pretended, which being granted, he returns to town at the head of four or five hundred men, well armed an d resumed his demands for a commission, which after some hours' struggle with the governor, being obtained, according to his desire, he takes order for the country's security against the a tempts of sculking Indians, fills up his numbers and provisions according to the gage of his commission, and so once more advanced against the Indians, who, hearing of this approach, called in their runners and scouts, betaking themselves to their subterfuges and lurking holes. The general for so he was now denominated, had not reached the head of the York river, but that a post overtakes him and informs him that Sir W. B. was raising the train bands in Gloucester, with an intent either to fall into his rear, or otherwise to cut him off when he should return, weary and spent from his Indian service. This strange news put him and those with him shrewdly to their trumps, believing that a few such deals or shuffles, call them which you will , might quickly ring both cards and game out of his hands; he saw that there was an absolute necessity of destroying the Indians, and that there was some care to be taken for his own an d the army's safety, otherwise the work might happen to be wretchedly done, where the laborer s were made cripples, and be compelled instead of a sword to make use of a crutch. It vexed h im to the heart, as he said, to think that while he was a hunting wolves, tigers, and bears which daily destroyed our harmless and innocent lambs, that he and those with him should be pursued in the rear with a full cry, as more savage beasts; he perceived, like the corn, he was l ight between those stones, which might grind him to powder if he did not look the better about him, for the preventing of which after a short consultation with his officers, he counter marched his army, about five hundred in all, down to the middle plantation, of which the governor being informed, ships himself and adherers for Accomack (for the Glostermen refused to own his quarrel against the general), after he had caused Bacon, in these parts to be proclaimed a rebel once more, July 29th.

Bacon, being sate down with his army at the middle plantation, sends out an invitation to al l the prime gentlemen in these parts, to give him a meeting in his quarters, there to consul t how the Indians were to be proceeded against, and himself and army protected against the designs of Sir W. B., against whose papers of the twenty ninth of May, and his proclamation since, he puts forth his replication and those papers upon these dilemmas.

First, whether persons wholly devoted to the king and country, haters of sinister and by-respects, adventuring their lives and fortunes to kill and destroy all in arms against king and country: that never plotted, contrived, or endeavored the destruction, detriment or wrong, of an y of his majesty's subjects, their lives, fortunes, or estates, can deserve the names of rebels and traitors. Secondly, he cites his own and soldiers' peaceable behavior, calling the whole country to witness against him if they can: he upbraids some in authority with the meanness of their parts, others, now rich, with the meanness of their estates when they came into the country, and questions by what just ways they have obtained their wealth, whether they have not been the sponges that have sucked up the public treasury; questions what arts, sciences , schools of learning, or manufactories, have been promoted in authority; justifies his aversion in general against the Indians; upbraids the governor for maintaining their quarrel, though ever so unjust, against the Christians' rights, his refusal to admit an Englishman's oath against an Indian, when that Indian's bare word should be accepted of against an Englishman; said something against the governor concerning the beaver trade, as not in his power to dispose of to his own profit, it being a monopoly of the crown; questions whether the traders at the heads of the rivers, being his factors do not buy and sell the blood of their brethren an d countrymen, by furnishing the Indians with powder, shot, and firearms, contrary to the law s of the colony; that he arraigns one Colonel Cowell's assertion, for saying that the English are bound to protect the Indians to the hazard of their blood; and so concludes with an appeal to the king and parliament, where he doubts not but that his and the people's cause will b e impartially heard.

To comply with the general's invitation, hinted in my former letter, there was a great convent ion of the people met him in his quarters, the result of which meeting was an engagement for the people (of whatsoever quality, excepting servants) to subscribe to, consisting of three heads: First, to be aiding with their lives and estates, the general in the Indian war; secondly, to oppose Sir William's designs, if he had any, to hinder the same; and lastly, to protect the general, army, and all that should subscribe to this engagement, against any power that should be sent out of England, till it should be granted that the country's complaint might be heard, against Sir William, before the king and parliament. these three heads being methodized and put into form by the clerk of the assembly, who happened to be at this meeting, an d read to the people ,they held a dispute from almost noon till midnight, pro and con, whether the same might, in the last article especially, be without danger taken. The general, and so me others of the chief men, were resolute in the affirmative, asserting its innocency, an protesting without it , he would surrender up his commission to the assembly, and let them find other servants to do the country's work; this, and the news that the Indians were falling down i nto Gloster county, and had killed some people around Carter's creek, made the people willing to take the engagement. The chief men who subscribed it at this meeting were Colonel Swan, Colonel Beale, Colonel Ballard, Esquire Bray, all four of the council, Colonel Jordan, Colonel Smith of Purton, Colonel Scarsbrook, Colonel Miller, Colonel Lawrance, and Mr. Drommond, lat e governor of Carolina, all persons with whom you have been formerly acquainted.

This work being over, and orders given for an assembly to sit on the fourth of September, the writs being issued in his majesty's name, and signed by four of the council, before named , the general once more sets out to find the Indians: of which Sir William having gained intelligence to prevent Bacon's designs by the assembly, returns from Accomack witabout one thou sand soldiers, and others, in five ships and ten sloops, to Jamestown, in which were some nine hundred Baconians, for so now they began to be called for a mark of distinction under the command of Colonel Hansford, who was commissioned by Bacon to raise forces, if need were, in hi s absence for the safety of the country. Unto these Sir William sends in a summons for a ren dition of the place, with a pardon to all that would decine Bacon's, and entertain his cause . What was returned to this summons I know not, but in the night the Baconians forsake the town, by the advice of Drommond and Lawrance (who were both excepted in the governor's summons , out of mercy), every one returning to their own abode, excepting Drommond, Hansford, Lawrence, and some few others, who went to find the general, now returned to the head of the York river, having spent his provisions in the following the Indians, on whom he did some execution , and sent them packing a great way from the borders.

Before that Drommond, and those with him, had reached the general, he had dismissed his arm y to their respected habitations, to gather strength against the next intended expedition, excepting some few reserved for his guard, and persons living in these parts, unto whom, those that came with Hansford being joined, made about one hundred and fifty in all. With these , Bacon, by a swift march before any news was heard of his return from the Indians, in these parts, comes to town, to the consternation of all in it, and there blocks the governor up, which he easily effected by this unheard of project: he was no sooner arrived at town, but by several parties of horse, two or three in a party, for more he could not spare, he fetcheth into his little Leagure all the prime men's wives, whose husbands were with the governor, as Colonel Bacon's lady, Madame Bray, Madame Page, Madame Ballard, and others, who the next morning , he presents to the view of their husbands and friends in town, upon the top of the small work he had cast up in the night, where he caused them to tarry until he had finished his defense against his enemies' shot, it being the only place, as you do know well enough for those i n town to make a sally at, which when completed, and the governor understanding that the gentlewomen were withdrawn to a place of safety, he sent out some six or seven hundred of his soldiers, to beat Bacon out of his trench. But it seems that those works, that were protected b y such charms while raising, that plugged up the enemy's shot in their guns, could not now be stormed by a virtue less powerful when finished, than the sight of a few white aprons, otherwise the service had been more honorable and the damage les, several of those who made the sally being slain and wounded, without one drop of blood drawn from the enemy. Within two or three days after this disaster, the governor reships himself, soldiers, and all the inhabitant s of the town, and their goods, and so to Accomack again, leaving Bacon to enter the place a t his pleasure, which he did the next morning before day, and the night following burned i t down to the ground, to prevent a future siege, as he said, which flagrant and flagitious ac t performed, he draws his men out of town, and marched them over York river, at Tindell's point, to find Colonel Brent who was advancing fast upon him from Potomack, at the head of twelve hundred men, as he was informed, with a design to raise Bacon's siege from before the town , or otherwise to fight him as he saw cause; but Brent's soldiers no sooner heard that Bacon h ad got on the north side of York river, with an intent to fight them, and that he had beat the governor out of town, and fearing if he met with them that he might beat them out of their lives, they basely forsook their colors, the greater part adhering to Bacon's cause, resolving with the Persians to go and worship the rising sun, now approaching hear their horizon; of which Bacon being informed, he stops his proceedings that way, and begins to provide for another expedition against the Indians, of whom he had heard no news since his last march against them; which while he was a contriving, death summoned him to more urgent affairs, into whose hands, after a short siege, he surrenders his life, leaving his commission in the custody o f his lieutenant-general, one Ingram, newly come into the country.

Sir William no sooner had news that Bacon was dead but he sent over a party, in a sloop, to York, who snapped Colonel Hansford and others with him, that kept a negligent guard at Colonel Reade's house, under his command. When Hansford came to Accomack, he had the honor to be the first Virginian born that was ever hanged' the soldiers, about twenty in all that were taken with him, were committed to prison, Captain Carver,Captain Wilford, Captain Farice, with five o r six others of less note, taken at other places, ending their days as Hansford did; Major Chesman being appointed, but it seems not destined to the like end, which he prevented by dying in prison, through ill-usage, as it is said.

This execution being over, which the Baconians termed cruelty in the abstract, Sir William ships himself and soldiers for York river, casting anchor at Tindell's point, from where he sent up one hundred and twenty men, to surprise a guard of about thirty men and boys, kept at Colonel Bacon's house under the command of major Whaley, who being forewarned by Hansford's fate , prevented the designed conflict, with the death of the commander-in-chief, and the taking some prisoners; Major Lawrence Smith, with six hundred men, meeting with like fate at Colonel Pate's house in Gloster, against Ingram, the Baconian general, only Smith saved himself by leaving his men in the lurch, being all made prisoners, whom Ingram dismissed to their own homes ; Ingram himself, and all under his command ,within a few days after, being reduced to his duty by the well contrivance of Captain Grantham, who was now lately arrived at York river, which put a period to the wary, and brought the governor ashore at Colonel Bacon's where he was p resented with Mr. Drommond, taken the day before in Chickahominy swamp, half famished, as h e himself related to my husband;' from Colonel Bacon's, the next day, he was conveyed to iron s to Mr. Bray's, whither the governor had removed to his trial, where he was condemned, within half an hour after his coming to Esquire Bray's, to be hanged at the middle plantation with in four hours after his condemnation, where he was accordingly executed, with a pitiful French man. Which done, the governor removed to his own house, to settle his and the country's repose, after his many troubles, which he effected by the advice of his council and an assembly, convened at the Green spring, where several were condemned to be executed, prime actors in the rebellion, as Esquire Bland, Colonel Cruse and some others, hanged at Bacon's trency, Captain Yong of Chickahominy, Mr. Hall, clerk of New Kent court, James Wilson, once your servant, an d one Lieutenant-colonel Page (one that my husband bought of Mr. Lee, when he kept store at y our house), all four executed at Colonel Read's, over against Tindell's point, and Anthony Arnell, the same that did live at your house, hanged in chains at West Point, besides several others executed on the other side of James river--enough, they say, in all, to outnumber those slain in the whole war on both sides, it being observable that the sword was more favorable than the halter, as there was a greater liberty taken to run from the sharpness of the on e than would be allowed to shun the dull enbraces of the other, the hangman being more dreadful to the Baconians than their general was to the Indians, as it is counted more honorable an d less terrible to die like a soldier than to be hanged like a dog.

Thus sir, have I rendered you an account of our late troubles in Virginia, which I have performed too wordishly, but I did not know how to help it. Ignorance in some cases is a prevalent overture in pleading forpardon; I hope mine may have the fortune to prove so in the behalf of,

Sir, your friend and servant

From Q. Creek. An. Cotton.

To his wife, A.C., at Q. Creek:

My Dear: Although those who have depicted that fickle goddess, Fortune, have represented he r under various shapes, thereby to denote her inconstancies, yet do I think there is not anything sublunary subjected to the vicissitudes of her temper so much as is the condition and estateof mankind. All things else partake something of a steadfast and permanent degree except m an in the state of his affairs. The sun is constant in his annual progress through the zodaic, the moon in he changes, the other planets in their aspects. The productions of the earth have a fixed constant season for their growth and increase, when that man, in his creation little inferior to the angels, cannot promise unto himself a fixed condition this side of heaven.

How many hath thou and read of, that the sun hath shined upon in the east, with honors and dignities, which his western beams hath seen louded with poverty, reproaches, and contumelies . The same moment that saw Caesar chief man in the senate, beheld him in a worse condition than the meanest slave in Rome; and in less than six hours Phoebus eyed the Marquis of Ancrey, i n the midst of his rustling train of servitors, not only streaming out his blood, but spurne d and dragged up and down the dirty streets of Paris, by the worst of mechanics. It is but th e other day that I did see N.B. in the condition of a traitor, to be tried for his life, who but a few days before was judged the most accomplished gentleman in Virginia to serve his king and country at the council table, or to put a stop to the insolencies of the heathen, and the next day raised to his dignities again. Thus doth fortune sport herself with poor mortals , sometimes mount them up into the air, violence down, and then again strike them against the earth, that they may with ye greater speed mount up into the air, etc.

From Town, June 9 '76.

W. B. is Sir William Berkeley

N. B. is Nathaniel Bacon

Q. Creek is Queens Creek in York County, Virginia

An. Cotton is the wife of John Cotton

C. H. we believe is Christopher Harris

For more information: The story of Bacon's Rebellion:http://www.ls.net/~newriver/va/bacon.h

Colonial Tracts, No. 10, Vol. 1 "A Narrative of the Indian and Civil Warsin Virginia in the Y ears 1675 and 1676," Boston: John Eliot, No. 5 Court Street, 1814.

Dear Sir--The manuscript copy of Bacon and Ingram's Rebellion was found among the papers of t he late Captain Nathaniel Burwell of King William County. I have not been able to obtain man y particulars from his family relative to it. At the close of the war he heard of its existence in an old and respectable family of the northern neck of Virginia, and procured it for hi s amusement; he entertained no doubt of its antiquity, and valued it on that account.

From the appearance of the work, the minute and circumstantial detail of facts, the orthography, and the style, I am perfectly satisfied his opinion was correct. I hope it will be found worthy of a place in the valuable collections of the society to which you belong.

Permit me to offer my best wishes for the success of your labors.

Yours respectfully,

William A. Burwell, of Virginia

The Indian Proceedings.* (We regret that the beginning of this manuscript is missing, and that several parts were so much torn that it became necessary to leave vacant spaces. Where the expression is uncertain, but the page is not wholly disfigured, we have used italic letters .--Ed.

For their own security. They found that their store was too short to endure a long siege, without making empty bellies, and that empty bellies make weak hearts, which always makes an unfit serving man to wait upon the god of war. Therefore they wee resolved, before their spirit s were down, to do what they were resolved, before their spirits were down, to do what they could to keep their stores up, as opportunity should befriend them; and although they were by the law of arms (as the case now stood) prohibited the hunting of wild deer, they resolved to se e what good might be done by hunting tame horses, which trade became their sports so long that those who came on horseback to the siege began to rear they should be compelled to trot home on foot, and glad if they escaped to do so, too, for these beleagured blades made so many sallies, and the besiegers kept such negligent guard, that there were very few days passed with out some remarkable mischief. But what can hold out always? Even stone walls yield to the no t to be gainsaid summons of time. And although it is said that the Indians do the least min d their bellies (asbeing content with a little) of any people in the world, yet now their bel lies begin to mind them and their stomachs, too, which began to be more inclinable to peace th an war, which was the cause( no more horseflesh being to be had) that they sent out six of their Woerances (chiefmen) to commence a treaty. What the articles were that they brought along with them to treat of I do not know, but certainly they were so unacceptable to the English that they caused their commissioners' brains to be knocked out for dictating so badly to their tongues, which yet is possible, expressed more reason than the English had to prove the l awfulness of this action, being diametrical to the law of arms.

This strange action put those in the fort to their trumps, having thus lost some of their prime court cards without a fair dealing. They could not tell what interpretation to put upon i t (nay, indeed, nobody else), and very fain they would understand why those whom they sent out with a view to supplicate a peace should be worse dealt with than those who were sent out with a sword to denounce a war; but no one could be got to make inquiry into the reason of this ..which put them upon a resolution to forsake their station, and not to expostulate the cause any further. Having made this resolution and destroyed all things in the fort that might be serviceable to the English, they boldly, undiscovered, slip through the league (leaving the English to prosecute the siege as Schogin's wife brooded the eggs that the fox had sucked), i n the passing of which they knocked ten men on the head who lay carelessly asleep in their way .

Notes for JOHN (BERTIE) COTTON:

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Grandchildren of John Cotten & Anne:

Children of John Cotten (from will 1728 Bertie Co) and Martha Godwin:

1. John Cotten ca 1701-2 Feb 1741 (N. Hampton, NC)

married bef 13 May 1723 1st Judith ---- died aft 12 Nov 1726

married 2nd Anne Jones dau of John

2. Patience Cotten 1703-30 Nov 1725

married Capt John Spears 1693-1764

3. Martha Cotten ca 1704-

married ca 1721 1st Francis Benton he had died prior May 1728

she married 2nd aft May 1728 Capt John Spears (Spier) 1693-1764

widower of sister Patience

4. William Cotten ca 1705 -before 1753

married Sarah Dew (widow of Wm. Bridgers 1729)

5. Anne Cotten ca1706-aft1746

married John Thomas

6. Mary Cotten ca 1707- ?

married ______ Holland

7. Samuel Cotten ca 1708-1774 appt guardian to Arthur Feb 1734

married 1st Elizabeth ?

(who sold land with Sam 5 Sept 1750)

married 2nd Lydia Ewell (widow of Solomon)

8. Joseph Cotten ca 1710-1772

married Elizabeth Ervin

9. Alexander Cotten ca 1711-ca Dec 1764 appt guardian to James Feb 1734

Depos. of Alexander Cotten, age 48 of Bertie Co Apr Ct 1759 DB I-273

Will proved Jan 1765 Hertford Co Ct by Thomas Cotten, James Powell &William Cotten, SS Stat e papers Raleigh, (NCGSJ May 88 page 104)

married 1st Ann Foster died 1746 dau of Richard died 1746

married 2nd Elizabeth West dau of Peter died 1751

10. Susanna Cotten ca 1713- ?

married Esau Blount

11. Arthur Cotten 9 Sept 1716-20 May 1789

married Mary Elizabeth Rutland dau of James

12. James Cotten ca 1718-1758

married ca 1745 Sarah Bridgers dau of Wm & wife Sarah Dew

13. Thomas Cotten ca 1720-1787

married ca 1747 Patience Bridgers 1729- sister of Sarah

14. Priscilla Cotten ca 1721

married ca 1739 Francis Leeonard [alias Lee]

JOHN COTTON'S WILL. In the name of God Amen. I, John Cotten, of BartiePrecinct, in North Caro lina, Gent., being sick in body but of perfectSence & Sound memory, blessed by God, doe mak a nd ordaine this to be mylast will and Testament, in manner and forme folowing, Viz: first,

Item. I gaive to my son John Cotten, three hundred and twenty acors ofland, be it more or les s, whar he now lives, on the west sid of AhorskeyMarsh, to him and his heairs for ever.

Item. I give to my son William Cotten one hundred and fifty acors land beit more or less, lyi ng in the oserow (?) Meadows whar he now lives,beginning at a marked hickory at my uppermos t line, so runing down a lineof marked trees to the lower most line, to him and his heairs fo r ever.

Item. I give to my son Samell Cotten, a Neack of land whar he now lives,be the saime mor or l ess, and parte of a survay that I bought of CharlesStevenson, being a hund. acors mor or les s to him and his heairs for ever.

Item. I give to my son Thos. Cotten, all the remainder of my land boughtof Charles Stevenson , it is northerdly of William Cotten and containesthree hund and forty acors beinga neck call ed the Green pond neck to himand his heairs for ever.

Item. I give to my sons Arthur Cotten and James Cotten my lowermostsurvay land on fishing cre ek to eaqualey devided betwixt ym, to them andtheir heairs for ever.

Item. I give to my son Joseph Cotten, to hundred acors land and to betaken oute of my uper su rvay on fishing creek, to him and his heairs forever.

Item. I give to my son Alexandr Cotten, one hundred acors land out of myuper survay of fishin g creek to him and his heairs for ever and the otherthree hundred acors to be equaley devide d be twen my sons John Cotten,William Cotten, and Samll. Cotten, to them and their heirs fo r ever.

Item. I give to my son Arthur Cotten, one Neagerow man naimed Meingo,butt except the labour a nd sarvice of the sd. Neagerow to be preformedand don for my loveing wife Martha Cotten deuri ng her widowhood, and mysd son Arthur Cotten to be and goe for himself when he shall arrive a tthe age of 18 years.

Item. I give to my son James Cotten, one Neagerow boye naimed Peter tohim and his heairs fo r ever and that my son James Cotten may goe and forhimself when he shall arrive att the age o f eighteen years.

Item. I give to my son Thos. Cotten one Neagroe gerlle naimed Rose to himand his heairs for e ver but except the labour and sarverce of the sdNeagrow geirll to be for and with my loving w ife Martha Cotten deuringher widowhood, and that my son Thos. Cotten be free and goe for hi m selfwhen the sd Thos. arrive at the age of eighteen years.

Item. I give to my son Joseph Cotten one Neagerow boy naimed Toney to himand his heairs for e ver.

Item. I give unto my daughter Presseler Cotten on Neagerow woman namedMooll to her and her he airs for ever, butt except the youse and labour ofthe sd Neagrerow to be for my loving wife M artha Cotten dewering herwidowhood.

Item. I give to my son Alexander Cotten one Neagerow man named Guge, buttexcept the sd Neager ows labour and survice to be for my loveing wifeMartha Cotten during hur widowhood.

Item. I give to my son William Cotten one new feather bead and a woostedsett ruge and one lar ge fine blanket and a sheate, to pewter bassons, andto pewter dishes, three cows and calves , to yearlings, and one three yearould heifer, and eight soues with their in creese, and on e baye Geldinghorse, and one large barow or spayed sow, and a pateran of fine drugedfor a sut e of close, coate, bretches and jacket and triming answreableand fifty bushalls of oyster she lls. And all that parsell of plank thatwase sawed for the meill work to euqualie devided betw ene my sd sonWilliam Cotten and my son Samll. Cotten.

Item. I give to my son Samll. Cotten, a p'terne of fine druged to makehim a sute of close an d trimings answrable which cloth and triming is tobe answare and euqualey devided betwix my s ons William and Samll. Cotten.

Item. To my son Samll. Cotten, I give one feather bead known by the naimeof the Trundle bea d and a blew wostde sett rugg and one blanket andsheate and one square fraimed warnut table , and three cows and calves,and an in broke hors of to years ould, to puter bassons, and to p uterdishes, and fifty bushells of oyster shells and to each of my sons Samll.and Wm Cotten , a large steare, to purches ym nails to buld them a howse,each &.

Item. I give to my son Alexander Cotten, eight sowes with their increaseand three cows, one h eifer yearling, and one to year ould steare and onethree year ould steare.

Item. I give to my son John Cotten all the stock of both hoggs and cattethat is now in his pe rsession of my marke and fifty bushalls of oystershells.

Item. I give to my daughter Susannah Cotten, the feather bead whar on shelyes with all its fu rniture.

Item. I give to my son Thos. Cotten, one sute of new courteins of a blewcouller, one large fi ne bead tick, one wosted sett rugg, and one largefine blankett.

I give and bequeath to my loveing wife Martha Cotten, my bead whar on Ilye with all its furni ture, courtens, rugg, blankets, sheates, pelowes,and one large new fine blanket and quelt, be sides and bead stead cordeand matt. and,

Item I give to my son Alexander Cotten as much dewroys which is now by meas will make him a s uite of clothes.

Item. I give to my sons Alexander and Samll. Cotten as much stripedholan, as will make each o f ym a jeacket and bretches and trimeing to it.

And I give and bequeath to my loveing wife my riding horse, calling hisname Blaise, and a si d sadle.

Item. I give to my son in law, John Tomas, one puter dish.

Item. I give to my son in law, Capt. John Spears, one puter dish.

Item. I give to my daughter Mary Holand, one puter dish,

and the use of the above neagreroes is left to my sd wife for hur own andmy sd fower younges t childrens maintaneance during her widowhood.

Item. I give to my son Joseph Cotten, three wethers and a ramm, to yewesand a lam.

Item. I give to my daughter, Martha Benton, late widow of Frances Benton,decesed, three ewe s with their increase.

Item. I give to my sons Wm and Samll. Cotten, 20 pounds of feathers to beequaly devided inlar gen their beads.

My will is furder that my mill stones, spindle, jaks, and peecks to besold for silver money a nd that to be equaley devided betweixt my fowersmall children, Arthur, Pesseller, James, an d Thos. Cotten and all theremd of my estate both within and with oute dores I leave to my an d fowersmall children above named to be equaley devided.

Item. I give to my daughter, Susanah, as much fine silk stufe as will makhur a sute of clothe s

and my will is that my mair that runes in Tormenteing nack, the firstcoult she brings may b e for my son, Arthur Cotten, and if the sd mairlives to bring aney more coultes may be for m y son, James and Thos.Cotten and,

Lastly, I doe apoint my loveing wife to be exetrs. of this my last willand testment,

butt nomonate and appoint my loveing friend, Thos. Bryant, and Wm Benetto be over Sears, an d have power, in case my wife should again marey andhur covetor prove unhappy to hur and my f ower small children, to removeand secure them and their estate att their desc.

In witness war of asigne this to be my Last will and testement.

John Cotten. (Seal)

Test. Thos. Bryant, Jurat; Thomas Strange; hur marke, Marey M Parkers.Jurat.

Bertie Sc May Court 1728, The above will was exhibited by Martha Cotten,Widow and sole execut rix of John Cotten, deced. and was proved by theOaths of Capt. Thomas Bryant, and Mary Parker , in open court in due form of law, who were evidences thereto. And then the sd. Martha too k the Exrs: oath in Open Court. Test. Rt. Forster, Cler, Cur. Office of thesec. of state.--Gr imes. also S.S. archives

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John Cotten and Martha Godwin were married in Isle of Wight County, VA, probably just prior t o 1701 (D.B. 2 p.69 & G. B. 2 p52.) In 1704 he was a resident of Isle of Wight Co, VA, then i s listed in Nansemond Co, VA, [John Cotten lived at South Quay, VA on the Blackwater.]

Possible father of the John Cotten who died in Bertie in 1728

from Dr Barry Hayes: John Cotton appears to have moved to Isle of Wight where he died by 169 3 after marrying undoubtedly his second wife, the widow of Thomas Abington. [That John Penn y was "looking after the estate of John Colter (Cotten), dec'd" suggests to me, Sally, that h is son John Cotten may have still been underage. but was of age by Jan 1698/99 when he was ap pointed an appraisor in the estate of James Gardner. In otherwords John Cotten was born betwe en 1671 and 1677. let us say ca 1674.]

John Cotten/on who died in Bertie Precinct, NC in 1728 appears to be the son of this John Cot ton who had died in Isle of Wight by 1693.

From Bruce Cotten's The Cotten Family of North Carolina -- We have record of John Cotten as e arly as 1701 residing in South Quay on the Blackwater river in Virginia. This place is abou t four miles South of the present town of Franklin and about four mile north of the North Car olina line. Its on the Nansemond side of the river and appears on a map made in 1695. John Co tten is thought to have conducted a trading post here for many years in conjunction with hi s plantations. The Blackwater, Nottoway and Chowan Rivers were the highways of travel and com merce between Virginia and the fringe of settlers who had planted themselves along the shore s of Albemarle Sound. Canoes and flat boats traversed these streams <swamps2.htm> almost to t he James, and in this way we find that Mrs. Hyde widow of the late Governor of North Carolin a elected to return to Virginia in 1713, stopping at John Cotten's at South Quay, and that Go v. Spotswood took advantage of these canoes to forward four barrels of gun power to Gov. Poll ock of North Carolina.

In 1719 John Cotten moved his family to North Carolina.--about 15 miles or so down the rive r to what is now known as the Potecase Creek. and became a neighbor of Frederick Jones.

Our ancestor John Cotten died in 1728 in Bertie Co, NC.Contrary to claims of other "genealog ists" I think this John Cotten married only Martha Godwin of Isle of Wight and all his childr en were by her. [His wife certainly was NOT Martha the daughter of Frederick Jones, the chie f justice of NC. She was still unmarried and underage at the time of her father's death in 17 22.]

Martha Godwin, daughter of William Godwin and his wife Elizabeth Wright, was born ca 1683 i n Isle of Wight, VA.Martha married second time before Nov 1731 William Green whose first wif e was named Elizabeth. May Ct. Records 1732 Bertie County.

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26 Jan, 1698-9--John Cotten appointed as appraiser of the estate of James Gardner. Isle of Wi ght Co, Va: Bk A-415

Isle of Wight rent rolls 1704--John Cotten--200 A.

John Cotton in 1711 was living in Nansemond near the junction of the boundaries of that count y with Isle of Wight and North Carolina. Philip Ludwell, one of the commissioners for the "se tting the bounds" between N.C. and VA stated, July 28, 1711, that it was agreed next that w e meet at John Cotton's house at South Key. Also, from "Nansemond Indian Town" August 1, 1711 , John Lawson, one of Comrs. for N.C. wrote to Benj. Harrison a commissioner for Va. "I desir e your appointment at John Cotton's and hope it will be by the last of this month"(5 V. 21).B odie Vol III p82

1711--John Cotton sued out a patent on southside of Cedar Swamp and assigned it to David Lewi s deceased and his son David Lewis now possesses it. Reel 87 C.O. 412/25 16 Dec 1738--

ENGLISH DUPLICATES OF LOST VIRGINIA RECORDSNansemond county--13 Nov, 1713--91 A granted to J no. Cotton;13 Nov, 1713--158 A granted to Jno. Cotton.Surry county--23 March, 1715--75 A gr anted to John Cotton.

Hofmann's Abstracts Chowan Precinct NC 1696-1723: p277 832 John Cotten 9 June 1719 640 A S W side of Ahotsky meadow.

Hofmann's Abstracts Chowan Precinct NC 1696-1723: #442 pg 21Charles Eden, Esquire, Governo r to John Hardy, William Charlton, John Holbrook, John Cotton, Thomas Betterley, Samuel Paget t, Thomas Rountree, John Bryan son of Lewis Bryan, John Parker, Luke Meazell esquires By virt ue of a commission from the Lord Proprietors appointing me Governor, Captain General and Admi ral of the Province of N.C. with full powere and authority to Commissionate and appoint all o fficers and Magistrates-military and civil - I therefore, being appraised of the Loyalty, Pru dence, and Integrity of you and each of you do hereby assign and appoint you Justices of th e Peace for the Prect. of Chowan in the Co. of Albemarle to keep his Majesties Peace within t he Prect. and John Hardy, William Charlton, John Holbrook, and John Cotton shall keep a Cour t four times every year, Vizt. on the 3rd Tuesday, in the months of Jan, Apr, July, and Oct . This Commission to continue during my Pleasure given under the seal of this Colony 29 Aug A D 1719 /s/ Charles Eden.

#443 pg 22 CHARLES EDEN, esquire, to JOHN HARDY, WILLIAM CHARLTON, JOHN HOLBROOK and JOHN COT TON By a Commission bearing the date 29 Aug 1719 power to administer the Oaths to be taken, a s well as the Oaths of a Justice of the Peace to your associates Given under my hand and sea l at Ann(sic) the Day and Year afrsd.

#526 pg 116 THE HONORABLE FREDERICK JONES, Esquire of Chowan Prect. to JOHN COTTON, Gentlema n and MARTHA his wife and ALEXANDER COTTON son ot the sd JOHN all of the sd Prect. 18 Apr 172 0 5 shillings lawful money of this Province a lease for one year of 800 acres whereon the s d JOHN COTTON now dwells on Meherring Creek, joining the sd JONES, Cat Tail Branch and Hoske y Path all houses, gardens, orchards etc. and is part of a larger tract belonging to the sd J ONES Wit.: THOMAS HARVEY, J. LOVICK Reg Chowan Ct Apr 1721 Test: THOMAS HENMAN, Clerk.

#527 pg 117 FREDERICK JONES, Esquire of Chowan Prect to JOHN COTTON, Gentleman, and MARTHA hi s wife and ALEXANDER COTTON son of the sd JOHN 19 Apr 1720 for 40 L and the love and affectio n I bear toward my grandson (the "experts" say this was a copying error on the part of the cl erk, that the word was God son) the sd ALEXANDER the 800 acres whereon the sd JOHN now live s Wit: THOMAS HARVEY, JOHN LOVICK Reg Chowan Ct Apr 1721 Test: THOMAS HENMAN, Clerk.

JW Moore V1 p49-- Superior Ct held at Edenton 1723--John Cotten, Esq., had sued John Grey, o f Bertie precinct, gentleman. On appeal from a precinct ct. held at the house of James Howar d at "Ahotsky," on 14 May, 1723.

JOHN COTTON'S WILL. In the name of God Amen. I, John Cotten, of Bartie Precinct, in North Car olina, Gent., being sick in body but of perfect Sence & Sound memory, blessed by God, doe ma k and ordaine this to be my last will and Testament, in manner and forme folowing, Viz: first ,Item. I gaive to my son John Cotten, three hundred and twenty acors of land, be it more o r less, whar he now lives, on the west sid of Ahorskey Marsh, to him and his heairs for ever. Item. I give to my son William Cotten one hundred and fifty acors land be it more or less, l ying in the oserow (?) Meadows whar he now lives, beginning at a marked hickory at my uppermo st line, so runing down a line of marked trees to the lower most line, to him and his heair s for ever.Item. I give to my son Samell Cotten, a Neack of land whar he now lives, be the s aime mor or less, and parte of a survay that I bought of Charles Stevenson, being a hund. aco rs mor or less to him and his heairs for ever.Item. I give to my son Thos. Cotten, all the r emainder of my land bought of Charles Stevenson, it is northerdly of William Cotten and conta ines three hund and forty acors beinga neck called the Green pond neck to him and his heair s for ever.Item. I give to my sons Arthur Cotten and James Cotten my lowermost survay land o n fishing creek to eaqualey devided betwixt ym, to them and their heairs for ever.Item. I gi ve to my son Joseph Cotten, to hundred acors land and to be taken oute of my uper survay on f ishing creek, to him and his heairs for ever.Item. I give to my son Alexandr Cotten, one hun dred acors land out of my uper survay of fishing creek to him and his heairs for ever and th e other three hundred acors to be equaley devided be twen my sons John Cotten, William Cotten , and Samll. Cotten, to them and their heirs for ever.Item. I give to my son Arthur Cotten , one Neagerow man naimed Meingo, butt except the labour and sarvice of the sd. Neagerow to b e preformed and don for my loveing wife Martha Cotten deuring her widowhood, and my sd son Ar thur Cotten to be and goe for himself when he shall arrive at the age of 18 years.Item. I gi ve to my son James Cotten, one Neagerow boye naimed Peter to him and his heairs for ever an d that my son James Cotten may goe and for himself when he shall arrive att the age of eighte en years.Item. I give to my son Thos. Cotten one Neagroe gerlle naimed Rose to him and his h eairs for ever but except the labour and sarverce of the sd Neagrow geirll to be for and wit h my loving wife Martha Cotten deuring her widowhood, and that my son Thos. Cotten be free an d goe for him self when the sd Thos. arrive at the age of eighteen years.Item. I give to m y son Joseph Cotten one Neagerow boy naimed Toney to him and his heairs for ever.Item. I giv e unto my daughter Presseler Cotten on Neagerow woman named Mooll to her and her heairs for e ver, butt except the youse and labour of the sd Neagrerow to be for my loving wife Martha Cot ten dewering her widowhood. Item. I give to my son Alexander Cotten one Neagerow man named G uge, butt except the sd Neagerows labour and survice to be for my loveing wife Martha Cotte n during hur widowhood.Item. I give to my son William Cotten one new feather bead and a woos ted sett ruge and one large fine blanket and a sheate, to pewter bassons, and to pewter dishe s, three cows and calves, to yearlings, and one three year ould heifer, and eight soues wit h their in creese, and one baye Gelding horse, and one large barow or spayed sow, and a pater an of fine druged for a sute of close, coate, bretches and jacket and triming answreable an d fifty bushalls of oyster shells. And all that parsell of plank that wase sawed for the meil l work to euqualie devided betwene my sd son William Cotten and my son Samll. Cotten.Item . I give to my son Samll. Cotten, a p'terne of fine druged to make him a sute of close and tr imings answrable which cloth and triming is to be answare and euqualey devided betwix my son s William and Samll. Cotten.Item. To my son Samll. Cotten, I give one feather bead known b y the naime of the Trundle bead and a blew wostde sett rugg and one blanket and sheate and on e square fraimed warnut table, and three cows and calves, and an in broke hors of to years ou ld, to puter bassons, and to puter dishes, and fifty bushells of oyster shells and to each o f my sons Samll. and Wm Cotten, a large steare, to purches ym nails to buld them a howse, eac h &.Item. I give to my son Alexander Cotten, eight sowes with their increase and three cows , one heifer yearling, and one to year ould steare and one three year ould steare.Item. I gi ve to my son John Cotten all the stock of both hoggs and catte that is now in his persessio n of my marke and fifty bushalls of oyster shells.Item. I give to my daughter Susannah Cotte n, the feather bead whar on she lyes with all its furniture.Item. I give to my son Thos. Cot ten, one sute of new courteins of a blew couller, one large fine bead tick, one wosted sett r ugg, and one large fine blankett.I give and bequeath to my loveing wife Martha Cotten, my be ad whar on I lye with all its furniture, courtens, rugg, blankets, sheates, pelowes, and on e large new fine blanket and quelt, besides and bead stead corde and matt. and,Item I give t o my son Alexander Cotten as much dewroys which is now by me as will make him a suite of clot hes.Item. I give to my sons Alexander and Samll. Cotten as much striped holan, as will mak e each of ym a jeacket and bretches and trimeing to it.And I give and bequeath to my lovein g wife my riding horse, calling his name Blaise, and a sid sadle.Item. I give to my son in l aw, John Tomas, one puter dish.Item. I give to my son in law, Capt. John Spears, one puter d ish.Item. I give to my daughter Mary Holand, one puter dish,and the use of the above neagre roes is left to my sd wife for hur own and my sd fower youngest childrens maintaneance durin g her widowhood.Item. I give to my son Joseph Cotten, three wethers and a ramm, to yewes an d a lam.Item. I give to my daughter, Martha Benton, late widow of Frances Benton, decesed, t hree ewes with their increase.Item. I give to my sons Wm and Samll. Cotten, 20 pounds of fea thers to be equaly devided inlargen their beads.My will is furder that my mill stones, spind le, jaks, and peecks to be sold for silver money and that to be equaley devided betweixt my f ower small children, Arthur, Pesseller, James, and Thos. Cotten and all the remd of my estat e both within and with oute dores I leave to my and fower small children above named to be eq ualey devided.Item. I give to my daughter, Susanah, as much fine silk stufe as will mak hu r a sute of clothesand my will is that my mair that runes in Tormenteing nack, the first cou lt she brings may be for my son, Arthur Cotten, and if the sd mair lives to bring aney more c oultes may be for my son, James and Thos. Cotten and,Lastly, I doe apoint my loveing wife t o be exetrs. of this my last will and testment,butt nomonate and appoint my loveing friend , Thos. Bryant, and Wm Benet to be over Sears, and have power, in case my wife should again m arey and hur covetor prove unhappy to hur and my fower small children, to remove and secure t hem and their estate att their desc.In witness war of asigne this to be my Last will and tes tement. John Cotten. (Seal)Test. Thos. Bryant, Jurat; Thomas Strange; hur marke, Marey M Pa rkers. Jurat. Bertie Sc May Court 1728, The above will was exhibited by Martha Cotten, Wido w and sole executrix of John Cotten, deced. and was proved by the Oaths of Capt. Thomas Bryan t, and Mary Parker, in open court in due form of law, who were evidences thereto. And then th e sd. Martha took the Exrs: oath in Open Court. Test. Rt. Forster, Cler, Cur. Office of the s ec. of state.--Grimes. also S.S. archives of NC

Note: I see no mention of JOHN, the eldest son, Patience's widower John Speir, Anne Thomas, M ary Holland or JOSEPH in the following divisions. Had they received their shares previously?

JOHN COTTEN Division of estate among (1) William Cotten, (2) Samuel Cotten, (3) Elexander Cot ten, (4) John Cotten as gdn. of Susanah Cotten, (5) the widow Martha Benton with the residu e undivided for the four small children, Mar. 12, 1728. Record signed by Simon Jeffreys, Joh n Dew, James Moor and R. Brasswell.JOHN COTTEN Division of estate at the home of Martha Gre en by James Moor, Titus Moor, John Jones, Senr. and Samuel Williams, Nov. 25, 1731. (1) A Neg ro was put in the hands of Thomas Bryant and William Bennet for the use of Priscilla Cotten . (2) Clothing was allotted to Thomas Cotten. (3) A Negro was allotted to Martha Cotten. (4 ) A Negro was allotted to James Cotten. (5) A Negro was allotted to Thomas Cotten. Millstones , etc. were divided among the four small children (6) Arthur Cotten, Priscilla Cotten, Jame s Cotten, and Thomas Cotten. Of the residue of the estate, one-fifth was allotted to Martha G reen and the other four-fifths divided among the four children.

At a court held at the Court House on Timber Branch on Tuesday 9th of May 1732And Thomas Jon es Attny for Wm. Green that intermarryed with Marth Cotten Relict Widow of the sd. John Cotte n Prays an appeal from the above Judgement. [follows]JOHN COTTEN Completion of division o f estate at the home of Mrs Martha Green, June 5, 1732. The farm animals were put into the ha nds of Capt Thos Bryant and William Bennet for the use of the four small children. Signed b y James Moor, Saml. Williams and Jno. Jones. Gammon, Records of Estates Bertie Co, NC Vol1172 8-1744

Va Historical Mag 35-273: 1 Nov, 1729-On reading at this Board the petition of Samll. Pugh Ge nt & late Sherrif of Seventeen Shillings Current Money and four Hundred fourty five pounds o f Tobacco or the current price thereof out of his Majesties Revenue of two Shillings p Hogshe ad it being for one half of the costs and Charges expended by the petitioner in Defending a S uit brought against him for Seizing Six Hogsheads of Tobacco on one John Cotton deceased purs uant to an Act of Assembly the one halfe of the said Seizure having long since paid by the pe titioner to his Majestys use. Ex'd p Wil Roberson Cls Con.

Children of ALEXANDER COTTON and ANN FOSTER are:

Children of ALEXANDER COTTON and ELIZABETH WEST are:

Notes for ABNER COTTON:

lived Rowan Co, NC; ca 1793 Abbeville Co, SC; ca 1802 Franklin Co, GA where he probably die d between 1810 and 1815.)

Notes for LOFTON COTTON:

Lofton Cotton who fought in the War of 1812

Have you ever found proof that Abner Cotton who died in Noxubee Co., Ms., Lofton Cotton who fought in the War of 1812 with him and Radford Cotton  were brothers. Also, is there proof that t hey were the sons of Abner  Cotton, Sr. who was in the 1800 census of Abbeville Co., S. C. an d then in a few record in Franklin Co., Ga. and later in Jackson Co., Ga. records, place of death unknown. I have been researching this family for years and have never seen this proof. If i t exists, I would like to know about it. William E. Cotton was a close relative of Abner Cotton of Noxubee Cotton and I descend from both of them. I have seen that William E. Cotton's middle name was Eaton but have never been able to find where this information originated. Do you possibly know anything about this. Thanks.

Linda Jensen

Children of LOFTON COTTON and CLARISSA are:

Notes for LOFTON COTTON:

Abt. 1798 in Abbeville County, South Carolina, and died Bef. 1840 in Santa Rosa County, Florid a. He married EDITH JERNIGAN 1817 in Conecuh County, Alabama, daughter of BENJAMIN JERNIGAN an d VASHTI VANN. She was born 1796, and died 1853.

Children of JOSEPHINE COTTON and JOHN JERNIGAN are: